Information is wanted of Thomas McNamara, of Glandree,

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Jimbo
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Re: Information is wanted of Thomas McNamara, of Glandree,

Post by Jimbo »

Hi Sheila,

The Quiet Revolution article was interesting especially the bit about how the Irishman negotiating with the Finns used the Irish language in his telegraph back to his superiors in Ireland to keep the Finns from understanding their communication. It reminded me of the Navajo code talkers of WW2. I wonder how many of the one million plus utility poles from Finland can still be found in the Irish countryside and if they have any distinguishing characteristics. An Irish friend explained to me that in recent decades most of the poles arriving into Ireland from Europe are no longer from Finland but from Poland. Something about the EU.

Thanks for highlighting that it was Canon John Hayes (1887 – 1957) who switched on the electricity in Bansha in 1946. The Irish post office issued a stamp in 1987 to commemorate the 100th anniversary of his birth and also the 50th anniversary of “Muintir na Tíre” which he had founded in 1937. Among the several illustrations on the stamp is a utility pole.

I thought Canon Hayes might have a County Clare connection, but he was born in County Limerick in a Land League hut (per numerous biographies on-line) in Ballyvorheen townland (per civil birth record) near the family’s home in Moher from which they were evicted in 1882 by Lord Cloncurry.

1887 birth: https://www.irishgenealogy.ie/files/civ ... 938162.pdf

His biography in the Dictionary of Irish Biography needs tidying up, the first paragraph specifically. It was written in 2009 prior to the on-line availability of so many Irish records. His parents married in 1874 and not 1872. The family was evicted in 1882 and not 1872, clearly a typo as the Land League was not even in existence in 1872. The eviction of 27 families in 1882 from the Lord Cloncurry estate was heavily reported in the Irish newspapers. This DIB error was copied to the Canon Hayes biography on wikipedia. During their twelve years living in the Land League hut, five of their ten children died (consistent with 1911 census) and not seven deaths as reported in the Dictionary of Irish Biography.

https://www.dib.ie/biography/hayes-john-martin-a3872
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_M._Hayes_(priest)

In Ballagh townland (not yet Ballagh House), three of the six children of James Clune (≈1812 – 1882) and Bridget Halloran (≈1823 – 1898) were born during the period of the Great Famine. Patrick born in 1845, Honor in 1849, and Michael in 1851. I reckon James Clune was very lucky to be a steward / caretaker for Patrick Corbett (≈1794 – 1892) of Derreen, who was a Poor Law Guardian in Ennis Union. In 1850, Patrick Corbett of Derreen wrote a letter to the Clare Journal calling out the neglectful treatment by the workhouse master of a poor man who died outside the Ennis workhouse gates on 12 January 1850:
To the Editor of the Clare Journal
January 15, 1845 [a typo, should be 1850]

SIR—I have seen in your paper of the 14th, by the verdict of the Coroner’s Jury, the relieving officer of Quin charged with the death of a poor man named Flanagan, who died at or within a small distance of the [Ennis] Workhouse Gate, on the night of Saturday, the 12th of January. I beg to set you right, as you are a man that hates lies and loves truth; the relieving officer had Flanagan brought before the Board on a man’s back, when the Chairman, Sir Lucius O’Brien, very properly called on the master of the workhouse to provide a place at once in the house for the poor man. The master said he would at once. It appears after the Board was over, the man was turned out of the workhouse and died of cold and hunger by the wall side—it is little wonder in such frosty weather. It is high time to make the officers of the poor look sharp for their conduct towards them.

Your most obedient servant,
PAT CORBETT, P.L.G., Derreen

We deem it right to state that the evidence given at the inquest represents the matter in a very different light. We presume, however, that the subject will be brought before the Board at the meeting on Saturday.

Clare Journal and Ennis Advertiser, Thursday, 17 January 1850
The Clare Journal article of the 14th January referred to in the above letter by Patrick Corbett is below. It provides specifics that the poor man who died was John Flanagan and the Quin relieving officer was Henry Kitson:
DEATH FROM DESTITUTION.

A poor man named John Flanagan, of Crevagh, near Quin, was found dead a short distance from the gate at the Ennis Workhouse, on Saturday evening last. The deceased attended the Board on that day to obtain admission. The Board gave the requisite order for that purpose, but it appears from the following verdict of a coroner’s jury, that owing to the neglect of the relieving officer, Henry Kitson, the poor man was left exposed to the cold until he expired.
We find that John Flanagan came by his death from the effects of cold, wet, and destitution, on the 12th last, and the jury are of opinion that had the relieving officer properly discharged his duty, and attended to his application in the Board room, the deceased would not be left exposed to the cold, which was the principal cause of death.
Clare Journal and Ennis Advertiser, Monday, 14 January 1850
The Clare Journal article of the 17th January after publishing Patrick Corbett’s letter ended with their presumption “that the subject will be brought before the Board at the meeting on Saturday”. The Clare Journal was mistaken as the Ennis Board of Guardians always met on a Wednesday, but the subject of who was responsible for the death of John Flanagan outside the gates of the Ennis workhouse on the night of January 12th was the key item on the agenda. The investigation and interviews of witnesses lasted over five hours, from 3 pm to past 8 pm. From the first paragraph below it is communicated that Patrick Corbett of Derreen was the uncle of Henry Kitson, the relieving officer of Quin.
ENNIS UNION—WEDNESDAY.

The usual weekly meeting of Guardians took place at the Board Room this day.
Mr. Knox, V.C., in the chair.
Present—Thomas Gibson, John Considine, *Patrick Kitson, John Bourke, Pat Corbett, James O’Dwyer, Michael Butler, Michael Silver, John Morony, John Leary, Captain Creagh, John McMahon, Daniel O’Connell, Terence Healy, Mat Canny, J.P., Michael Butler, Stephen O’Halloran, Hugh Ross O’Loghlen, and John Hartigan.

[An asterisk appears in front of Patrick Kitson with no explanation; presumably because he is the father of Henry Kitson, the Quin relieving officer. He does not vote on either of the board resolutions.]

The Board was occupied until 3 o’clock in the inspection of the relieving officers’ book and the admission of paupers.

DEATH FROM DESTITUTION.

The investigation into the circumstances connected with the death of John Flanigan, which had been fixed for this day, was brought before the Board after all the applications for relief had been disposed of. This poor man died near to the workhouse on Saturday, the 12th inst; an inquest was held on the body on the 14th, and the verdict of the Coroner’s jury appeared in the Clare Journal on that date, attributing the man’s death to cold and destitution, and charging the relieving officer for his division (Henry Kitson) with neglect of duty. In a subsequent number of this Journal a letter appeared from Mr. Pat Corbett, who is one of the Guardians, and uncle to the relieving officer, who impugned the truth of the verdict given at the inquest, asserting that the relieving officer had done his duty on the occasion, and that the blame rested upon the Master of the workhouse. The charge being one of a very serious nature against the officers accused, we subjoin a full report of the evidence taken on the occasion:—

Henry Kitson sworn and examined by Mr. Briscoe, P.L.I.—You are relieving officer for Quin electoral division? I am. Did you know the deceased, John Flanagan? Yes. When did he first apply to you for relief? On the 2nd of January inst. Was he ablebodied at that time? He was. Was he to appear before the Board for examination? Yes, I ordered him to attend on the 5th. Did he attend on that day? No. By Mr. Canny—Did you see him at the gate on that day? Yes, I met him after the Board had adjourned, and I then told him that his application had been refused because he did not attend. Was he ablebodied on the 5th? Yes. By Mr. Briscoe—Did he make another application to you, and when? He did, on the 9th. Was he ablebodied on that day? He was not near so ablebodied as when he made the first application. Was his case a sudden and urgent one on the 9th? I did not consider it so. (The Chairman here read the entries made by the relieving officer in his report book. On the 2nd of January he entered Flanagan as able-bodied, and the Chairman on that day (Sir Lucius O’Brien) had marked “refused” to his name, as he did not attend the board. On the 9th of January, the relieving officer entered him as infirm, with this remark—“Weak from hunger. Applies for the second time, and if not relieved, I fear he will die of hunger.”)—By Mr. Canny—Did you not consider that an urgent case, when you made such an entry in your book relative to it? I did not consider him in such urgent distress at the time I made that entry, but I did it for the purpose of pressing his case more forcibly on the attention of the Board at their meeting on Saturday the 12th.—Thouigh you wrote that remark on the 9th, it did not apply to the man’s condition on that day? No. By Mr. Briscoe—Did he appear before the Board on the 12th? He did. How did he come in? He was brought up as far at the Board room door on the back of another pauper. Did you see him come into the workhouse yard? I did not. Was he able to walk? He walked out of the Boardroom again himself.—What order did the Board make concerning him? To be admitted to the workhouse. Did you fill a ticket for him to that effect? I did. Did you give him that ticket? No; because I could not find him afterwards. Did you go to look for him? I did. Where? I first presented his ticket to the [workhouse] Master and he refused it, stating that he could not admit him in consequence of the sealed order of the Commissioners limiting the number to be received into the house. Did you do anything with that ticket afterwards? I went among the paupers at the gate to look for Flanagan, and could not find him. By Mr. Burke—How long was it, from the time you presented the ticket to the Master till you went to look for Flanagan at the gate? Not more than ten or fifteen minutes. By Mr. O’Halloran—When the Master told you that he had no room, did you apply to the Board? I do not think there was any chairman at the time, Sir Lucius O’Brien had left the room. Was there not a chairman afterwards? Yes, Mr. Knox was afterwards in the chair. Did you call the attention of Mr. Knox to the case? I did not. (The Chairman here remarked that on the day in question Sir Lucius O’Brien did not have the chair, until he had entered the room which was about three o’clock.) Mr. Morony to witness—How long did the Board sit afterwards? I cannot say. Did they sit more than an hour? Oh they did. At the time you tendered the ticket to the master, and he refused it, did you then let the conversation drop? No, I said it was a bad case, and he replied that he could not help it.—Had you seen Flanagan from the 9th to the 12th? No. By Mr. O’Halloran—In what condition did you consider him on the 12th when brought before the Board? I considered him a very bad case. Sir Lucius asked me about his previous circumstances; I told him that the he had been in gaol for some time for stealing a lamb, and that he had previously been in the Workhouse. Well, said he, I will make an order on the house for him; I replied, that it should be done immediately; and Sir Lucius then called Mr. O’Brien (the Master). What did Sir Lucius say to Mr. O’Brien? He called upon him to admit this man. What was the Master’s reply? He said, “O yes, Sir Lucius, let him be brought down to the hall.” Did the matter end there? It did for a short time. I continued, with the Chairman, going through the other applications in my report book. And after you had finished that, did you write the ticket for the man’s admission? I did, and handed it to the Master, who refused to take it. Was Sir Lucius O’Brien in the chair when you handed the Master the ticket? He was not, he had left the room in the meantime. Was there any other person in the chair at the time? No; I think not. (The Chairman here again remarked that he had taken the chair before Sir Lucius O’Brien left the room; and Mr. Gibson also remarked that Mr. Knox had certainly taken the chair immediately that Sir Lucius O’Brien left it.) Did you see Mr. Knox in the chair at any time afterwards? I did. After the Master refused to take the ticket what did you do? I went out about half an hour afterwards to look for the man in order to give him the ticket. But you knew it would be of no use? I wanted to give him the ticket. Did you not consider your duty then to apply to the Board to know what you should do? I thought I had done my duty by giving him the ticket. Did you give him the ticket? No; I could not find him at the gate. Would you have considered yourself justified in giving that man provisional relief? I would not. By the Chairman—You considered him an able-bodied man on the 5th? Yes. But you did not consider him able-bodied on the 9th? I did not. By Mr. Morony—From what cause? It might have been cold from being kept out, as he had no house of his own, but not entirely from hunger. I find that on the 10th he bought half an ounce of tobacco in Quin and I have a woman to prove it. (Mr. Morony did not consider that the fact of the poor man having bought some tobacco was any proof that he was not in a state of destitution, and Mr. Considine observed that frequently in his own shop, he considered it his duty to refuse to sell tobacco to many starving persons who came in asking for it, and told them to buy food.) Would you have given him provisional relief on the 9th? I would not. Would you have given it on the 12th? Yes, for he was very much altered in his appearance. Did you consider him a subject for provisional relief? I did not consider him such at any time he applied to me. Do you know what became of him after he left the Board Room? He went down stairs. But did you see him afterward? Yes, I saw, through the Board Room window, two paupers putting him out by the gate. How long was it after you saw the paupers put him out, till you went to search for him? It was about ten or fifteen minutes. Were the paupers forcing him out? Yes, certainly, forcing him out. Were they putting other paupers out of the gate at the same time? They were. Was it after you saw the man put out of the gate, that you gave the ticket to the master? It was. Did the paupers use greater violence to Flanagan than to any others whom they were putting out? They did not. Is it not usual for the applicants to remove outside the gate after they leave the Board Room? (Mr. Briscoe here observed that the usual custom was to have all put outside the gate except such as were furnished with tickets. If Flanagan had been furnished with a ticket he certainly would not have been put out.) By the Chairman—Did the master make any objection to admit this man, when Sir Lucius O’Brien asked him? He did not. When the master refused to take the ticket did you tell him that it was for the man he had promised to admit? I did not.

Anne Flanagan, the wife of the deceased, was next examined by Mr. Briscoe—Your husband is dead? He is. Were you in the workhouse? I was.—How many children had you with you in the workhouse? Only one, the others are all dead. When did you leave the workhouse? In harvest.—Was it at your own desire you left it? At the desire of my husband. Were you and your husband always living together, after you left the house? No. Where were you living? At Dangan. How were you supported there? I got a little from the neighbours.—Where did your husband go? He went to Tradree, and to the O’Donohues of Rinana, where he was jobbing. When did he come back? A short time before Christmas, I cannot say how long. Did you both live together when he came back? We did, sir; he used to be going and coming. Did you ever apply to the relieving officer? No. Do you know did your husband apply to him? Oh he did. He was more than a month going to the relieving officer before he took down his name. Do you know a person named Crimmins? I do. Do you know what day your husband was at Crimmins? It was on a Wednesday night, the 9th inst. Did he get anything to eat there? Yes, Crimmins told me since that they gave him some gruel and turnips. When did you see him after that? He came to me on Thursday. What distance was it? About 3 or 4 miles.—Did he go to the relieving officer on Thursday? Yes; he told me he had been with the relieving officer.—What distance was the relieving officer from Crimmin’s? About a mile. How far then did your husband walk on that day altogether? About 5 miles.—When he came to you on Thursday evening was he wet? He was, sir, and he was scarcely able to come in the door to me. He asked me for the honour of God to let him near the fire, for he was perished.—I afterwards got a grain of meal from the woman of the house, and made gruel of it for him, mixing it with a couple of turnips. Did he use it? Indeed he did. Did he complain during the night? He complained that he was nearly gone. What did he mean by that? Oh, that his heart was gone from starvation, sir. How was he on Friday morning? I wanted him to get up on that morning, and he desired me to get him a bed. He said he was gone, and then a weakness came on him, and he leaned his head on my lap, desiring me to get something to stretch himself on, for that he could not go to Ennis. I said he must come, and was trying to bring him along with me. When we went a short distance, I asked a woman for milk. She said she had none but gave me a few halfpence. I then bought a halfpenny of bread, and my husband ate part of it. I afterwards got 1lb. of meal in the evening and made it ready for him at Corovoran. When did you purchase the bread? About 1 o’clock at Clouney. Did he complain during Friday night? He complained of weakness, and he was shivering. Did he complain of any pain? He did. Where? across his belly. Did he complain of cold? He did, and I put my cloak about him, where he was sitting, and the woman of the house put some bed clothes about him, in the latter part of the night. What time on Saturday did he leave that? When the Chapel bell was ringing, it was about half past 8 o’clock in the morning. Did he eat anything before he left that place? No sir. Where did he go? He went into Ennis; he said he should go to get himself warmed. How far was that from Ennis? Not half a mile. Did you go along with him? No, I went to the chapel, and told my husband that I would meet him at the courthouse after Mass. Why did you leave him to go into Ennis alone, when he was in such a weak state? Oh, I did not know, sir, that he was so far gone; if I had known it, I would have brought him to the priest. Did you meet him in Ennis? No, I was looking for him afterwards in the street, but could not find him; I heard afterwards that he had been called up to the Board, and I saw him about 2 o’clock outside the workhouse gate. Was it a frosty day? It was, and very cold; I asked him if he ate anything since, and he said nothing but a half-penny worth of bread. Had you eaten anything yourself that day? I had taken a halfpenny worth of gruel. I had the half-penny out of what the woman gave me on the previous day. Had your husband been before the Board at that time? He had sir, and he told me that two men had put him outside the gate. Was he able to walk at that time? He was not sir, he fell down in my presence. What did he say to you? I asked him what brought you there and why was he turned out, and he said that he could not get in until Harry Kitson gave him a ticket at Quin, on Monday. Did you remain at the workhouse gate? Yes, we waited all the day at the gate until it was getting dark. Did you see Harry Kitson, the relieving officer? No, I sent in one of the paupers who had charge of the gate for him, but I did not see him; when the pauper returned he told me that Kitson would be out shortly. When did this happen? With about half an hour of night fall. Do you know the name of the pauper you sent to inquire for Kitson? Yes, his name was Kearney. Did you hear any on inquiring for your husband during the time you were at the gate? I did not, and there was no one who inquired for him. Did you wait long at the gate after Kearney told you that Kitson would come out shortly? I remained about half an hour longer, till it was growing dark; and Kearney then assisted me to take my husband along the road, and after taking him a short distance, we left him at the side of a wall while I inquired in a house for lodgings. They would not let him in. Had you money to pay for lodging? Yes; when were going along the road, I met Mr. John O’Brien, one of the sons of Mr. O’Brien, the Master of the Workhouse, coming from Ennis, who asked me what ailed me, and I told him that I wanted to get lodging for my husband, and he gave me 4d. I then applied at another house for lodging but could not get it. I afterwards left my husband beside a wall, until I would run back to Corovoran, to try and get something for him, and when I returned he was just dying. How long might you have been away? I could not have been half an hour. Was your husband in any house at all during that day?—He was not. If any person had gone out to the gate to look for him, would they have found him? Oh, surely they would, for he was opposite the gate, and could not leave it. Did he ask any person coming out to do anything for him? Yes, when the relieving officer, John Brazil, came out—Oh John, said he, try and do something for me. I am sorry, Jack, said he, to see you in that state, but I can do nothing for you; you must apply to your own relieving officer. Did he apply to any other person? Yes, he spoke to Pat Corry, who is in the habit of carrying the books of Henry Kitson, the relieving officer, and Corry said to him—“One word is as good as twenty, you cannot get in until you got a ticket from Mr. Kitson on Monday at Quin”. Was it possible that Kitson might have gone out look for your husband, and not find him? Yes, after it was dark, but had he come out before it got dark, he must have found him. Did you apply to the relieving officer at any time for relief? Yes, I asked him on Monday, the day of the inquest, to do something for me; he asked me if I was willing to go into the workhouse? I said that I was ill at my heart, but that sure I must go in, if I did not get relief from him any other way. Did he then give you a ticket? He did not. Did he give you a ticket any time during that day? He did not. Did he on the next day? No. (KItson here denied that she had asked him for a ticket.) To Kitson—Oh you would not give it; and you knew my husband went to you often and you would not give him anything; and the death of my husband is upon you. (In reference to some questions asked by Mr. Michael Butler, the Master stated that the woman came to him on Monday evening after she had buried her husband, when he asked her if she had a ticket of admission; she replied that Kitson would not give her one. Mr. O’Brien then told her that he could not keep her in without a ticket, but gave her the price of her lodging.) When did you ask the relieving the officer again for a ticket? I went to him at Quin on the following Thursday, and asked him again to do something for me; he then said, come to Ennis on Saturday, and I will put you into the workhouse. I then asked him to give me a grain of meal for that day, and he said he would not. Did you come into Ennis on Saturday? I did, and came to the workhouse, but I did not see the relieving officer to get the ticket, and after I had been dressed in the pauper clothes, it was found that I had no ticket, and I was turned out again. The Chairman then inquired if she had now a ticket of admission? She said she had not. Mr. James O’Brien, the assistant master, observed that he had now procured a ticket for her from the relieving officer, and that she would be admitted.

Pat Kearney was next sworn. Examined by Mr. Briscoe—You are a pauper in the workhouse? I am. Do you recollect the day that Flanagan died? I do. Did you see him go out of the gate on that day? I did. Was he walking at the time? He was. Was he supported by any person? Yes, by an old grey-headed man; but I do not know who he was. Where did he go when he went out? He remained outside the gate. What time did this happen? About 3 o’clock. How long did he remain outside the gate? About two hours. Was his wife with him all the time? She was. Did they remain there until night? It was growing dark when they left the gate. Did you go along with him when he left the gate? I did, sir, because he asked me for God’s sake to take him by one arm and his wife by the other. (This witness that corroborated the evidence given by Flanagan’s wife, as to what afterwards transpired, and stated that he left him at the time that his wife went to Corovoran, and returned to the workhouse.) While Flanagan was at the workhouse gate, did his wife desire you to go in for the relieving officer? She did. Did you see him? No; I asked some of the relieving officers, who said that he was not there. Did you tell the woman when you returned, that he would soon be out? I did. Why did you say that? Because I thought Kitson was inside and that they were denying him to me. Did you hear Flanagan say anything at the gate? His wife asked him, when she saw him, what news he had, he replied, very bad news; what’s that? said she, O Kitson told me that I was a fine schemer. Did you hear him say anything about his having been ordered into the workhouse? No, sir.

Margaret Normoyle, a witness brought forward by the relieving officer, was next examined—Did you know the deceased John Flanigan? I did. Do you recollect his going into your shop to buy anything?—Yes, on the Thursday before his death he bought half an ounce of tobacco, for which he paid 3 halfpence. Had he any more money at that time? I cannot say. Did he smoke any of the tobacco then? He did. Did he every buy anything from you before? Yes, about a fortnight previous, he had bought some tobacco. Did you see him since Thursday until Saturday, the day on which he died? I did not.

John Brasil, another witness [note: different from Mr. John Brazil, the relieving officer who spoke to Anne Flanagan at the workhouse gate] brought forward by the relieving officer [Henry Kitson], was next examined—Did you know Flanagan? I knew him for the last 14 years. Did you see him on the day he died? Yes, I saw him coming to the workhouse. At what hour of the day was that? About 2 o’clock, he said he was afraid that the Quin district would be called by the Board, before he got to the workhouse, and requested me to say that he was present, if his name should be called. I did afterwards hear his name called in the Board Room, and I then stated that he was at the gate, and Sir L. O’Brien ordered him to be brought up. What state was he then in? He was in a miserable condition. Did you hear Kitson making any inquiry about him during the day? I did not. At the time you met him coming to the workhouse was any person with him? No, he walked along with me to the gate. Was he well able to walk? He was able to walk, but slowly. He appeared feeble.

Mr. John McMahon, one of the Guardians, was next examined at the request of Mr. [Patrick] Corbett—He said that he was present at the Board on the day that Flanagan was brought before it but he could not accurately recollect what order was given relative to him, but it was his impression that the man was to be kept in the hall until some endeavor was made to have him taken into the house.

Mr. [Patrick] Corbett, another member of the Guardians, was next examined—He saw John Flanagan brought into the room on a man’s back. Sir Lucius O’Brien was in the chair at the time, and when the man’s name was called it was stated that he was stretched outside unable to come in. The Chairman ordered him to be brought up, and called on the master if he had any vacancy in the Workhouse. The master replied he would make a place for him, and that he would take him down stairs and place him on a a seat in the hall, until he would get a place for him.

Mr. John Cotter, Clerk of the Union, was next examined—and stated that when the master came into the Board Room on Saturday the 12th he asked him if he had read to the Board the sealed order which had been sent to him (the master) limiting him to a certain number; he told him he had read it, and the master then stated that he was obliged to discharge a number of persons from the house to bring it down to the number specified, and that he wished to inform the Board that he could not give any more admissions; there were, however, several admissions made afterwards on that day. It occurred after Sir L. O’Brien had left, and while Mr. Knox was in the chair. While the Chairman was signing the report book of Brazil, one of the receiving officers, four orphans were brought in from that officer’s district. Mr. Knox then asked how could they think of sending those orphans out of the house that night. The master observed that he was prohibited by the sealed order of the Commissioners from admitting any into the house. Mr. Knox replied that he did not care, he would not have the death of those four orphans on him by turning them out on such a night. The master agreed in thinking they ought to be admitted, but suggested that Brazil should go down to the house, and select some paupers from his division that might be in a better condition to leave the house, and to whom he might give relief outside. Brazil did so, and in that way made room for the orphans. I was occupied writing (continued Mr. Cotter) when Flanagan was brought before the Board, but my attention was drawn to the case, in consequence of his having been brought into the Board Room on a man’s back, and I heard Kitson, the relieving officer, at the same time make the remark to him—“How well you were able to walk from Quin.” Sir Lucius O’Brien then asked the master if room could be made for him in the workhouse, but as well as I can remember, the relieving officer led the Board to think that the man could do without admission until Monday, and it was after that Mr. O’Brien said he would make room for him.

Mr. Daniel O’Connell, another of the Guardians, was next examined, and said—I distinctly remember Flanagan coming before the Board on the back of another man, and my attention was attracted by some person saying—“how lame you have got since morning”—or something to that effect. I observed Sir Lucius O’Brien looking towards the Master and saying—“something must be done for this man.” The Master rose, holding up the sealed order of the Commissioners in his hand, and said, “what will I do with this?” Sir Lucius, who was just preparing to vacate the chair, and did so a few minutes afterward, when Mr. Knox entered the room, made some remark to the Master, in the effect that he ought to try, but gave no decided instructions. I looked at the man when he was leaving the Board Room, and he appeared so feeble that I said to the pauper standing at the door, “help that man down stairs.” By Mr. O’Brien—Did you hear me promise the Chairman that I would admit the man? I did not. You appeared, in fact, to be in a dilemma on the occasion—on the one hand, not wishing decidedly to refuse Sir Lucius, and on the other, fearing to disobey the sealed order of the Commissioners.

Mr. O’Brien, the Master of the house, was then sworn, and made the following statement to the Board—I remember John Flanagan having been brought before the Board on Saturday the 12th, and heard Mr. Kitson observe, in reference to him, that was very lame on that day, but was not so lame when came to him at the depot in Quin. Kitson was then making some observation to Sir Lucius, the purport of which I did not hear, except the expression “he was in the workhouse.” I immediately stood up and asked Mr. Kitson what he meant? He replied that the at the time Flanagan and his wife left the workhouse, one of them went one way, and the other a different way. Sir Lucius then asked me across the table, had the man been in the workhouse—I replied that both of them had left it at their own request. I immediately showed the chairman the sealed order which I had received; and I have no recollection, nor did I hear Sir Lucius O’Brien order me to take him into the house; and positively, I did not promise to take him in. Mr. Kitson came around to me some time after, and asked me would he fill a ticket for a bad case below stairs? I then said, Mr. Kitson, I have told you and all the relieving officers today already, that a sealed order has arrived, and that I have no vacancy. He then went away, and from that time I heard nothing about Flanagan, nor was any application made to me about Flanagan, nor was any application made to me by any party to take him into the house, until it was told me about 6 o’clock in the evening that a man had died near the workhouse. Had the urgent nature of Flanagan’s case been represented to me, I would have felt it my duty to have able-bodied persons from the house to make room for him; or even had there been no Board sitting, I would have given 1s6d to some of the inmates of the house to get lodging outside, rather than refuse admission to a man whom I knew to be really starving.

Several of the Guardians here remarked that they had no doubt whatever of Mr. O’Brien’s humanity, and that they were well aware he had often given money out of his own pocket for the relief of urgent cases of distress.

Mr. O’Brien subsequently directed the attention of the Chairman to the evidence that Mr. Kitson had given at the inquest, and stated that though, in his evidence before the Board he said that he (Mr. O’Brien) had promised the Chairman he would admit Flanagan, yet he distinctly swore at the inquest that he did not hear the master make any such promise to the Chairman; and Mr. Whitestone, the coroner, if examined, would attest that such was Kitson’s evidence at the inquest.

Dr. Hehir was subsequently examined, and stated that he had performed a post mortem examination on the body; all the organs of deceased, were comparatively speaking, healthy; his liver was the only part which appeared affected, but he was laboring under no disease that could account for his sudden death, which appeared to have been caused by cold and destitution. In his stomach there was about a pint of something like radian meal and some particulars of bread. His lungs and his heart were healthy, and his frame did not appear very much emancipated.

The Board did not consider it necessary to take any further evidence on the subject, and a lengthened discussion then ensued as to whether they should come to some decision on the matter at once, or should refer the evidence to the Commissioners for their decision. It was ultimately agreed to come to some resolution on the subject before they separated.

Mr. Healy, Mr. O’Connell, Mr. Burke and several other members of the Board contended that no blame was attributable to any party, and the following resolutions was proposed by Mr. O’Connell, and seconded by Mr. Healy:—
That after hearing all the evidence the Board are of opinion that nothing has transpired to warrant them in attributing the death of John Flanagan to any willful or culpable neglect on the part of any of their officers.
The Chairman considered that such resolution was a most extraordinary one to adopt, after hearing the evidence which had been brought before them, and inquired if there was any member anxious to propose and amendment.

Mr. Hugh Ross O’Loughlin in very forcible terms showed the ridiculous position in which the Board would be placed by adopting such a resolution. There could be no doubt from the evidence that the man’s death had been caused by neglect, and if such things could be allowed to happen without attributing blame to any party, there would be no security for the life of any pauper in the country. He had no doubt that the relieving officer had been guilty of neglect. It had been said that he acted according to his printed instructions; he did not believe that such was the case but if it were, he could only say that the blame should then be attributed to the Commissioners who had issued such instructions.

The Chairman denied that his instructions prevented him from attending to the man’s case after he had left the Board room.

Mr. Briscoe also observed that he had no such instructions.

Mr. Gibson and several other guardians thought that he was bound by his instructions not to interfere in the case further, after he had brought it before the Board.

Mr. O’Loghlen said it was his opinion, that the relieving officer had no instructions which would justify him in the course he had adopted; at the same time he did not conceive that he had willfully neglected his duty.

Mr. Molony also warmly commented on the neglect of which the relieving officer had evidently been guilty, and after some further discussion, Mr. O’Loghlen proposed the following amendment, which was seconded by Mr. Morony:—
That after full consideration of the evidence given before the Board on the cause of the death of John Flanagan, which took place outside the workhouse on Saturday, the 12th inst., we are unanimously of opinion that he died of destitution and cold, and that the relieving officer has been in some degree neglectful of his duty toward the deceased; but that no willful neglect is attributable to him, on account of his being under a false conception of having done his duty in accordance with his instructions, when be brought his case under the consideration of the Board.

We are also of opinion that no blame is or can be attached to the Master in this instance.
A good deal of discussion ensued, and it being then after 8 o’clock in the evening, the number of guardians present were reduced to 13, beside the Chairman.

The Chairman having put the amendment, it was supported by Mr. O’Loghlen, Mr. Morony, Mr. Leary, and Mr. Considine [a total of four guardians].

The original resolution was supported by Mr. Gibson, Mr. Burke, Mr. Corbett, Mr. Silver, Mr. O’Connell, and Mr. Hartigan [a total of six guardians] which was consequently carried by the majority of 2.

Mr. Healy, Mr. McMahon, and Mr. Butler, declined voting on the occasion.

The Board then adjourned until next day.

Clare Journal and Ennis Advertiser, Thursday, 24 January 1850
To Be Continued,
Jimbo
Posts: 622
Joined: Mon Aug 26, 2013 9:43 am

Re: Information is wanted of Thomas McNamara, of Glandree,

Post by Jimbo »

Death from Destitution, Continued

The investigation by the Ennis Board of Guardians into the death of John Flanagan on 12 January 1850 provided probably one of the most detailed descriptions of the death of any individual in County Clare during the Great Famine; a very grim but fascinating account. Had John Flanagan died inside the Ennis workhouse, there would likely have been no information on his death, perhaps only his inclusion in the total number of deaths in a weekly roll-forward reported by the master of the Ennis workhouse at the weekly board of guardian meetings.

Patrick Corbett of Derreen, one of two poor law guardians for Quin, achieved the result he wanted as his nephew Henry Kitson, the relieving officer of Quin, was deemed not responsible for the death of John Flanagan. When I first read the letter by Patrick Corbett dated January 15th to the editor of the Clare Journal, I thought how very fortunate the Clune family of Ballagh were to have Corbett as their employer. Later research revealed that Corbett wasn’t being solely altruistic in his complaint as the relieving officer was his nephew. Regardless, Patrick Corbett of Derreen was shown to be very loyal to his family members and likely also to James Clune of Ballagh who was employed by him.

How would I have voted if I was a poor law guardian at the investigation into the death of John Flanagan? The testimony of the widow Anne Flanagan was very convincing that Henry Kitson neglected his duty towards John Flanagan and not just on the night that Flanagan died. However, the Ennis workhouse master appeared equally guilty as it appears he would not have let John Flanagan into the workhouse even if Kitson had provided Flanagan with an entry ticket. I agree with Hugh Ross O’Loughlin who mentioned in his closing remarks the “ridiculous position in which the Board” was placed in and also suggested that “the blame should then be attributed to the Commissioners who had issued such instructions”. This was getting at the root cause of the problem (Why? Why? Why? Why? Why?). This was the verdict (reported in the same issue of the Clare Journal) of the board of guardians at Newcastle Union in Limerick who concluded that it was the “cruel and arbitrary conduct of the Poor Law commissioners” which led to the death of a poor man in Newcastle and likely the “deaths of hundreds of the now starving poor”:
WORKING OF THE POOR LAW.

NEWCASTLE UNION.—An inquest was held at the Board-room of the Newcastle Union Workhouse, before John Cox, Esq., Coroner, on the body of John Harnett, aged about 45 years, who was found dead in one of the back gardens by the river side in the town of Newcastle. The jury went to see the body, which was lying on some hay, and nothing could exceed the wretched and emaciate appearance which it presented. After the examination of several witnesses, and an investigation of seventeen hours, the jury returned the following verdict:—
We find that the deceased, John Harnett, came by his death from cold and starvation, arising from the cruel and arbitrary conduct of the Poor Law commissioners, in withholding from the guardians, after repeated remonstrations, their sealed order empowering them to grant outdoor relief more generally to the destitute poor of this union. And we further find, unless in-door accommodation or a more general system of outdoor relief, be instantly afforded, that the deaths of hundreds of the now starving poor of this union must immediately and inevitably follow.
Clare Journal and Ennis Advertiser, Thursday, 24 January 1850
The various witnesses provided many clues to the identity of John Flanagan and his wife Anne. In reviewing the Quin/Clooney baptism register (1816-1855), as transcribed by Sheila, I am fairly certain that John Flanagan was married to Anne White and the parents of five children.

A John Flanagan was married to Anne O’Dea of Knockaroe, but they were the parents of only two children in 1841 and 1844. Their marriage was likely in 1838 when the priest reported the groom as “James Flanagan” in error. Anne Flanagan testified that one of her children was in the Ennis workhouse, but her other children had died; so she was the mother of greater than two children.

John Flanagan and Anne White likely married prior to the 1833 start of the Quin/Clooney marriage register. John Flanagan was a laborer so the birth locations of their five children were in several locations:

(1) James Flanagan in July 1834 in Cahirlohan (2) Bridget Flanigan in 1836 in Cahirlohan (3) Jane Flanagan in 1840, no residence reported (4) John Flanagan in 1843 in Toonagh (5) Michael Flanigan in 1845 in Carhuroe.

None of the locations reported in the baptisms are “Crevagh, near Quin” which the Clare Journal of 14 January 1850 reported as the residence of Flanagan. But again, John Flanagan was a laborer and likely moved around a lot. Anne Flanagan testified that her husband “was at Crimmin’s” on the Wednesday night before his death. From reviewing the Quin baptism register (1816-1855), a James Crimmin and Hannah McNamara were the parents of five children, the last child in 1837 the residence was reported as “Kevagh”. Two other Crimmin families resided at Knocknagoug townland which is adjacent to Crevagh townland. In looking at a map, all these locations are about one mile from Quin village which was consistent with Anne Flanagan’s testimony.

After she left the Ennis workhouse in the autumn of 1849, Anne Flanagan testified that she was living separately from her husband at Dangan where for support she “got a little from the neighbours”. I suspect that her support came from extended family members. In reviewing the Quin baptism register (1819-1855), the White surname was very common in Dangan townland. This supports the theory that the maiden name of Anne Flanagan was White.

John Flanagan in his last days was obviously in very poor health, and it was shocking how far he had to travel. I suspect he was staying at Crimmin’s as it was located only one mile from Quin village, the location of the relieving officer whose approval was necessary to get in front of the Ennis board of guardians for their final approval to enter the workhouse. Henry Kitson approved his application to enter the Ennis workhouse on Wednesday, January 9th. On Thursday the 10th, Flanagan started out at Crimmin’s and went into Quin to purchase tobacco from Mrs. Margaret Normoyle (at plot 9, house #3 in Quin at GV) and then finally walked north to Dangan to join his wife. A five mile journey according to his wife’s testimony (consistent with google maps) and John Flanagan showed up in the evening cold and wet.

On Friday the 11th, John and Anne Flanagan set off from Dangan towards the Ennis workhouse. Anne purchased some bread for her husband about one o’clock at Clooney, a distance of about four or five miles, and she also prepared a meal for him at Corovoran where they found lodging. Corovoran is not a location on modern maps and from a search of the newspaper archives fell out of use in the 20th century. Corovoran appears to have been near Borheen in Ennis in what was called the “Church-street District” (Clare Freeman, 31 December 1859). I’d say Corovoran was about a six mile walk from Clooney. So in total, the Flanagan’s had to walk from Dangan a distance of over ten miles to get close to the Ennis workhouse. Dangan was actually much closer to the Tulla workhouse, a distance of about five miles.

Henry Kitson testified at the PLG meeting of January 12th, that Sir Lucius had asked him about Flanagan’s previous circumstances, and Kitson responded that Flanagan had been “in gaol for some time for stealing a lamb”. At the Ennis quarter sessions of November 1848, John Flanagan was sentenced to nine months for killing a lamb:
ENNIS QUARTER SESSIONS.
RULE OF COURT.


Peter Troy, cow stealing, 7 yrs. transportation.
Michael Falvey, larceny, same sentence.
Francis Carney, cow stealing, same sentence.
Mary Burke, larceny, same sentence.
Barthly Shea, rescue, 2 months imprisonment.
Michael Dunahoe, assault, 8 days.
Michael Ryan, rescue, 3 months.
Bridget Baker, larceny, 3 months.
John Hourigan, cow stealing, 4 months.
Ellen Walsh, larceny, 4 months.
James Ruane, sheep stealing, 9 months.
William Kennedy, rescue, 3 months.
John Flanagan, killing a lamb, 9 months.
Michael Molony, assault, 6 months.
Bridget Greene, larceny, 9 months.
Edward Wallace, assault, 3 months.
James Browne, cow stealing, 12 months.
Thady Ryan, assault, 3 months, and pay £2 costs, or in default, two months additional.

Clare Journal and Ennis Advertiser, Monday, 6 November 1848
John Flanagan must have been desperate to feed his poor family and we don’t know how many of their children were surviving at this point. And not clear how Anne Flanagan provided for the family with her husband in prison from November 1848 until July 1849. By January 1850 only one of her children was still living and at the Ennis workhouse.

With a criminal record, it would likely have been difficult for John Flanagan to be hired out as a laborer locally. According to the testimony of his wife, John Flanagan prior to Christmas was “jobbing” at “Tradree, and to the O’Donohues of Rinanan”. She must have meant Rineanna townland (now Shannon airport) about 14 miles south of Dangan. Tradaree appears to be about half the distance near Newmarket on Fergus.

I am fairly certain that John Flanagan spent his nine month prison sentence from November 1848 to July 1849 in Ennis Gaol (he is not reported in the existing Limerick or Dublin registers). He would have had plenty of company in prison:
There are at present, January, 1849, nearly 600 prisoners crowded into Ennis Gaol, one of the smallest in Ireland.

Soulby’s Ulverston Advertiser, Thursday, 26 January 1899 (this was a 50 years ago type article)
The history “Ennis County Jail” was written by Tim Kelly in the North Munster Antiquarian Journal, Volume XV1, 1973-1974, pages 66-69. This journal and many others have been digitized and available at the Limerick Studies Digital Library website. Sheila, if you scroll past the Tim Kelly article, Father Ignatius Murphy, the author of the three Killaloe Diocese histories, penned “Pre-Famine Passenger Services on the Shannon”.

https://www.limericklocalstudiesdigital ... ns/show/12
https://www.limericklocalstudiesdigital ... 0e5af2.pdf

The building on Jail Street (now O’Connell Street) that John Flanagan would have been housed opened in 1813 and closed (officially, but not really) in 1880. Per Tim Kelly, the normal capacity of the jail was only 115 prisoners and on 5 February 1849 there were 580 men and women incarcerated there.
A circular was received by the Governor of the Ennis Jail from the Government Prison Board, stating that that the jail will be closed on the 31st of March, and the prisoners transferred to other places, and situations provided for all the officials.

Clare Freeman and Ennis Gazzette, Saturday, 24 January 1880
Prisoners, including Andrew Sheedy McNamara of Glandree in 1882, were housed at Ennis Gaol during the Land War period. Also many other Coercion Suspects during this period.

The prison register for Ennis Jail from 1813-1880 appears not to have survived or perhaps it is hidden away in some archive. The Find My Past website has the Ennis State Inebriate Reformatory prison records; this national prison was housed at a renovated Ennis Jail from 1899 to 1920. Apparently these records are very detailed for the inmates, mostly non-Clare residents and rarely more than 50 at one time.

1901 census (only 16 inmates): https://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/ ... t/1070097/
1911 census (only 28 inmates): https://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/ ... ad/353776/

See the article “Ireland’s Ennis Inebriates’ Reformatory 19th Century Example Failed” by B. A. Smith in the Federal Probation Quarterly Volume: 53 Issue: 1 Dated: (March 1989) Pages: 53-64. Digitized on this U.S. Department of Justice website:

https://www.ojp.gov/ncjrs/virtual-libra ... ple-failed

From reading the article the prison records for the reformatory must have been very detailed. Not to nitpick but the title should be early 20th century and not 19th century. The last paragraph mentions the “Anglo-Irish Civil War”. And not sure that I would conclude that the reformatory was a complete failure, but it was just too expensive to maintain especially for Ireland experiencing the War of Independence. Crown military forces and the Black & Tans occupied Ennis Gaol in 1920.

It is a real mystery and a great shame that the Ennis Gaol records from 1813 to 1880 have gone missing. Part of the Ennis Gaol footprint was excavated in 2010 but unfortunately the prison records did not turn up.

https://excavations.ie/report/2010/Clar ... re%20which
Sduddy
Posts: 1887
Joined: Sun Sep 26, 2010 10:07 am

Re: Information is wanted of Thomas McNamara, of Glandree,

Post by Sduddy »

Hi Jimbo

Thank you for that account of the death of John Flanagan in 1850; it throws light on the amount of red tape that had to be got through before a starving person could be admitted to the workhouse.
Ciarán Ó Murchadha writes about Flanagan’s death in his book on the Great Famine in Co. Clare: Sable Wings Over the Land (Clasp Press, 1998) - see pp 214-15. As with your account, his source is the Clare Journal , 14 and 24 January, 1850. He goes on to say:
“John Flanagan’s death carried implications of the most appalling negligence on the part of all involved in the workhouse administration, the master and relieving officers, the Board of Guardians and Sir Lucius O’Brien in particular. Yet the board was permitted to hold an investigation which, preposterously, exonerated itself of any wrongdoing. When one board member pointed out how absurd this was, it was considered safer to lay at least some blame somewhere … “.

Ó Murchadha says that at a meeting of the board on the evening of the day that John Flanagan died, a resolution was passed pleading “with all landowners to give employment to those who were ineligible for relief, and it carried the significant first-time admission that ‘in comparison with the enormous destitution of the people, instances of dishonesty are few’.”

Maybe some of the walls built around demesnes (mentioned by me above) were the result of that plea to landlords.

The Ennis workhouse seems to have been overcrowded even in 1844 (before the Great Famine) - see topic “Clare work houses, 1844” contributed by Polycarp in 2009: https://clarelibraries.ie/localstudies/ ... .php?t=641.

I looked at the Clonlea deaths of famine period (see https://clarelibrary.ie/eolas/coclare/g ... lonlea.htm) and noticed that child, Sally Flanagan, had died of starvation, and another Flanagan child had died of fever, but Flanagan is a common name in Clare.

Thank you also, Jimbo, for giving us the work you have done on Ennis gaol.

Sheila

Edit (4 Mar 2026): I was mistaken in thinking that Ennis workhouse was already overcrowded in 1844. The number of inmates given in the report was 538, but I see now that the workhouse capacity (at that time) was for 800.
Last edited by Sduddy on Wed Mar 04, 2026 11:58 am, edited 1 time in total.
Sduddy
Posts: 1887
Joined: Sun Sep 26, 2010 10:07 am

Re: Information is wanted of Thomas McNamara, of Glandree,

Post by Sduddy »

Hi Jimbo,
Re Ennis gaol, I wonder if, after 1880, prisoners were held temporarily in other accommodation prior to being transferred to Limerick/Mountjoy/Cork, etc. A newspaper report on the escape by Andy Hehir from a prison in Ennis in 1883 has puzzled me, because of the mention of a graveyard behind the prison wall, which he (supposedly) scaled: https://clarelibraries.ie/localstudies/ ... php?t=7249. I think he was being held, temporarily, in a building beside the R.I.C. barracks, close to the old Friary at the end of Church St.

The conversion of Ennis Gaol to Inebriates Reformatory is mentioned here: https://www.ojp.gov/ncjrs/virtual-libra ... ple-failed

Sheila
Sduddy
Posts: 1887
Joined: Sun Sep 26, 2010 10:07 am

Re: Information is wanted of Thomas McNamara, of Glandree,

Post by Sduddy »

Hi Jimbo

Re Ennis Jail: I see that Mr Sharply, who was chief warder of Ennis jail at the time of Andy Hehir’s escape, died in 1897; address: Ennis Jail: https://www.irishgenealogy.ie/files/civ ... 661316.pdf. Which doesn’t explain where Ennis jail was located.

The Ennis National School register 1898 - 1952 (https://clarelibrary.ie/eolas/coclare/g ... ister1.htm) shows two Kearsley boys who are sons of a Prison Warder, address: Ennis Barracks. But was this barracks the R.I.C. Barracks at the end of Church Street, or was it the Military Barracks on the Kilrush Road (see https://clarechampion.ie/new-book-captu ... -barracks/)?
The 1901 census for the Military Barracks does not list a Prison Warder, whereas the 1901 census for the R.I.C. Barracks does list one: Constable P. McM*; occupation: Prison Warder: https://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/ ... g/1069936/.
So I think the jail was part of the R.I.C. Barracks.

* P. McM. was very likely P. McGillan who was the 1901 census enumerator for Ennis No. 1 Urban district.

Sheila
Sduddy
Posts: 1887
Joined: Sun Sep 26, 2010 10:07 am

Re: Information is wanted of Thomas McNamara, of Glandree,

Post by Sduddy »

Sorry, I'm wrong again:Firstly, P McGillan was Prison Warder before he joined the R.I.C. - not at the time of the 1901 census.

Secondly, the father of the Kearsley boys was William Kearsley, who died in the Ennis Infirmary in 1898, aged only 36; occupation: Sergeant Major (https://www.irishgenealogy.ie/files/civ ... 647260.pdf), not Prison Warder.

Sheila
Jimbo
Posts: 622
Joined: Mon Aug 26, 2013 9:43 am

Re: Information is wanted of Thomas McNamara, of Glandree,

Post by Jimbo »

Hi Sheila,

Happy Saint Patrick’s Day. There is no need to apologize as your latest postings led me to dig a little deeper into the history of Ennis Gaol. In doing so I also found several mistakes in my last posting.

Firstly, the Ennis Jail in which I believe John Flanagan was incarcerated was on Gaol Road (now Station Road) and not the older jail on Gaol Street (now O’Connell Street). It is easy to be confused given the street names. Gaol and Jail are used interchangeably for both the Street and Road. In 2012, a new “Inner Relief” road was opened in Ennis which cuts perpendicularly through the southern wall which was still remaining of the Ennis Goal on Station Road. After some lengthy discussions on what to name the new road it was finally decided upon “Old Gaol Road”. This was very confusing as it is really the “New Gaol Road”.

Secondly, my prior posting stated that the Ennis Jail of Gaol Road was built in 1813. The history “Ennis County Jail” by Tim Kelly published in the North Munster Antiquarian Journal of 1973-74 and available on the Limerick Studies Digital Archive was unclear on the timing. It mentions the 1813 plans for a new jail, and the approval of the contractor in 1815, but then concludes with the “total expenditure for the establishment in 1835 was £2,522.7.10”.

https://www.limericklocalstudiesdigital ... 0e5af2.pdf

The Irish Historic Town Atlas, Ennis, No. 25 by Brian Ó Dálaigh (Royal Irish Academy, Dublin, 2012) is very good and includes maps of Ennis (figure 4 includes the new gaol), but was incorrect on the year for the establishment of the new jail on Gaol Road. Stating on page 7: “In 1832 the County Gaol in O’Connell Street was replaced by a new building sited close by on Station Road (map 9). There were 123 cells with separate accommodation for men, women and debtors”. I see from the next sentence in IHTA for Ennis that the £2,533.7.10 referred to by Tim Kelly appears to have actually been related to a new fever hospital. "In 1834 the grand jury made £2,500 available for the construction of a new fever hospital on Turnpike Road, replacing the building that had stood in the unhealthy confines of Cooks Lane since 1817”.

https://s3-eu-west-1.amazonaws.com/asse ... s_Text.pdf

Sheila, important news! In the midst of researching Ennis Gaol in the British Newspaper Archive website, I’ve discovered that on 8 March 2026 the Saturday Record (Ennis) newspaper was added to their digitized newspapers. They run from 1898 to 1917 for the Saturday Record, and then the Saturday Record and Clare Journal from 1917 to 1934. The archive appears mostly complete as 52 issues have been digitized for most years. This period includes the War of Independence and Irish Civil War which is exciting. The digitized copies of the Clare Champion, newly added in 2025, only went up until 1918 so missed much of the Irish revolutionary period.

What is particularly special about the Saturday Record (Ennis) newspaper is their “standing Christmas feature” called “Clare A Hundred Years Ago”, typically a full page of the key events of that year (especially murders and who was imprisoned at Ennis Gaol). Tim Kelly in “Ennis County Jail” used the 1915 edition of the Saturday Record (see below article) as a source according to his footnotes. Researched and written in the 1970’s, Mr. Kelly would have had to view on unsearchable and difficult to view microfilm. I’ve researched now to try to pinpoint the year the New Jail on the New Road (per the map accompany Griffith Valuation) and on the Gaol Road (per the actual Griffith Valuation report and 1901 and 1911 census reports) and now the Station Road (not sure when; Tim Kelly writing in the 1970’s refers to the new jail being on the “site of present-day Braid’s factory, Jail Road, Ennis”) which intersects the new Old Gaol Road which this century was cut through the old prison walls. I’ve concluded from the below research that the New Jail on Gaol Road did not open until 1818, but willing to change based upon any new evidence.
TO ARCHITECTS, &c.s

WANTED, Plans and Estimates for a NEW GAOL, which is intended to be built, at Ennis, in the County of Clare. Premiums of Forty, Thirty, and Twenty Pounds will be given for the first, second, and third best Plans, when approved of by the Grand Jury of said County.—Letters addressed to Francis Morice, Esq. Grand Jury Secretary.—Ennis, October 15, 1812.

Dublin Evening Post, Saturday, 30 January 1813
“Clare A Hundred Years Ago”

On January 12 [1815], we read that a jury had been summoned to meet in Ennis to decide what value should be given to Francis Gore, for the purchase of Craggfield, part of the lands of Clonroad, Ennnis, which had been fixed upon by the Grand Jury of Clare, as the site of the new Jail—now the State Inebriate Reformatory. [Column 1]

After the above meeting [at the old Courthouse to discuss Corn Laws, as noted in the 23 January 1815 newspaper] had been held, a committee of the gentlemen proceeded to Craggfield, Clonroad, to inspect the site of the proposed New Jail. They selected the site, and it was announced that the building was to be at once begun by Mr. Behan, “a man of first rate abilities.” [Column 2]

Saturday Record, Ennis, Saturday, 18 December 1915
“Clare A Hundred Years Ago”

On October 7 [1816], a lamentable accident is reported to two slaters named Shea, father and son, who were roofing the new Jail. In consequence of heavy rains some of the ropes of the scaffolding rotted and gave way, and the unfortunate men were precipitated from a height of 20 ft. their lives being despaired of.

Saturday Record, Ennis, Saturday, 16 December 1916
The new Ennis Jail on Gaol Road was a very large building and clearly still under construction in October 1816. I searched the “Clare A Hundred Years Ago” article of 1917 and there was no mention of any events for the “new jail” occurring in 1817. As the new gaol was being constructed with its very high perimeter walls, the desperate prisoners on Jail Street and their families may have concluded that it was good timing for an escape attempt prior to their eventual transfer to the new more heavily fortified jail on Gaol Road.
“Clare A Hundred Years Ago”

We next read [on 24 June 1817] that a “very formidable attempt” for the escape of all the prisoners in Ennis Jail was discovered by the Jailer, who was informed that a woman from Limerick was to visit the Jail and carry materials to carry out the plan. The promised fair one did turn up on time, but she was arrested, when there was found on her a bottle of aquafortis, to eat through the prison bars, also a quantity of three-thread worsted. The hour of prayers on Sunday was the hour selected for the “hour of revolt, massacre and blood.” All the leaders were put in irons.

Saturday Record, Ennis, Saturday, 22 December 1917
“Clare A Hundred Years Ago”

On June 15th [1818] we read of an inspection by the Rev. Foster Archer, of the new Jail, and the removal of the female inmates from the old Jail, which was on the site of our present Town Hall. This was found satisfactory and high praise was given to the Governor, Mr. D’Arcy, “whose attention to the comforts of the unhappy inmates is proverbial.” Mr. Behan was the builder of the new Jail.

Saturday Record, Ennis, Saturday, 21 December 1918
I reckon the New Jail on Gaol Road was opened first to female inmates as a sort of a “soft opening” in June 1818, although from the below article detailing events from September 1818, the women may have been pretty rough and tumble. The male prisoners were likely added later (two men were executed at the New Gaol in July 1819 in the “presence of about 12,000 people”).
The Ennis Chronicle says:—On Sunday night some alarm was excited by the quantity of smoke which issues from one of the cells in the New Gaol, wherein three women were confined. The cause was found to originate in the turpitude of one of the prisoners, who contrived to introduce some burning turf into the bed of a fellow prisoner with whom she had some dispute in the course of the day.

Saint James’s Chronicle, Saturday, 26 September 1818
Sheila, thanks again for your comments on Royal Artillery Sergeant William Kearsley and his two young scholars, the escape artist Andrew Hehir, and Constable Patrick McGillan, for whom I will share a few thoughts in the next posting.
Jimbo
Posts: 622
Joined: Mon Aug 26, 2013 9:43 am

Re: Information is wanted of Thomas McNamara, of Glandree,

Post by Jimbo »

Hi Sheila,

Happy St. Patrick’s Day, again!

With regards to the two Kearsley scholars who on the transcribed listing of the Ennis National School register were the sons of a prison warden, I had a look prior to your last posting for their father William Henry Kearsley. The Kearsley family is well-documented on family trees on the ancestry website and their unusual surname for Ireland which makes the research easy. He was born in London in 1852 (per Church of England baptism register), his parents died when he was young, and at the age of 19 he was reported in the 1881 England census at the Royal Artillery Barracks in Aldershot. His Royal Artillery unit must have been transferred to Limerick as in 1884 he married a very young Mary Anne Bourke. One of the scholars you noted on the index, Edward Kearsley, was born in Bengal, India on 2 January 1889. The other scholar, Albert Victor, was born in Athlone, County Roscommon, in 1892; his father was reported as a Sergeant Royal Artillery. The Kearsley family must have returned to India as Sergeant William Henry Kearsley joined the Freemason Lodge in Bombay in 1895.

The W.H. Kearsley family is well documented on-line and goes back many generations in England. Their sources include the school registers which the two Kearsely boys enrolled at Harmony Row, Ennis. In both records, which are available on the ancestry website, the father of the two scholars was noted as a sergeant. Interestingly, directly below Edward Kearsley (age 9, son of Sergeant, Ennis) on the actual school register was James Moore, age 14, father “Jail, Ennis, Warder”. And on a separate register, for Albert Kearsley (age 5, son of Sergeant, Military Barracks) was Samuel Reynor, age 4, father reported as “Head Warden” with a location of “Jail”. Sheila, I wonder if the transcribed listing you sourced at the Clare Library website, that the rows for the columns related to the fathers have somehow shifted.

The information on the Harmony Row school register provides a very important clue on the location of Ennis Jail. The two Kearsley scholars had enrolled at the Harmony Row location on 16 April 1898 (only three days prior to the death of their father) and left on 28 May 1898 (their mother would return to Limerick). The head warden Sharpley died at the Ennis Jail on St. Patrick’s Day in 1897. The timing enrollment of the son of the Head Warden Reynor on 26 April 1897 was due to his father replacing the deceased Sharpley. The Reynor boy was struck off the rolls on 28 May 1898 and the Moore boy on 30 May 1899. I suppose you might still conclude that none of these dates provides any evidence on the location of Ennis Jail in the 1880’s or 1890’s. There are four Moore children (all son of a prison warder) on the transcribed school register elisting at the Clare Library who were struck off the register on 30 June 1899. Was this timing not due to the fact that Ennis Jail located on Gaol Road was being turned into the Ennis Inebriate Reformatory in 1899?

Another very important clue on the location of the Ennis Jail was found in the Irish newspaper reports on the escape artist Andy Hehir. He was very famous in Ireland and received lots of newspaper coverage being compared to the “real 18-century London thief and escapologist Jack Sheppard”. Sheila, it wasn’t very clear from your separate posting back in May 2021, but Andy Hehir escaped from Ennis Jail in January 1883 and again in June 1883. Andy Hehir made a third unsuccessful attempt to escape Ennis Jail in November 1891, the prison warden noted again as Sharpley. He also escaped Limerick Prison in 1897 prior to being sent to a prison in Dublin. On one of his escapes from Ennis Jail there was a small reference noting that Ennis Jail was located on the road to the railway station (obviously Gaol Road, later renamed Station Road). I’ll post later when I find the exact quote. I reckon Andrew Hehir was a bit mad and some of the reports on his behavior are disturbing.

Sheila, good job in determining that the census taker, P. McGillan, was the RIC constable reported as “P. Mc” in the 1901 census. I recall you or someone else on this forum mentioning that the census takers were often RIC constables.

The story of Constable Patrick McGillan provides some interesting insights into Irish society during his time in County Clare between 1897 and 1920 (give or take a year). Constable McGillan, born in County Monaghan, had transferred to Ennis in 1897, the newspaper didn’t state from where:
TRANSFERS.—Constable Patrick Brennan, Knock, whose marriage was recently chronicled in the GAZETTE has received his route for Kerry, being replace in Clare by Constable Gibbons, from Kerry, he [Patrick] is transferred to Ballyreen. Constable Daniel Quill, Ballyreen, transferred to Carriagholt, Kilrush; . . . . [about 10 other transfers] . . .; vice Constable P. McGillan to Ennis; . . . [7 more transfers].

Constabulary Gazette, Dublin, Saturday, 23 October 1897
Constable McGillan’s passion was cycling. He was involved in organizing the RIC sponsored athletic meet held in June 1899 at the Abbey grounds (between Ennis and Clare Castle):
CLARE R.I.C. ATHLETIC AND CYCLING CLUB SPORTS.

Clare R I C C and A Club were exceptionally fortunate in their meeting to-day. The atmospheric conditions were all that could be desired, and as the day was a holiday, there was an enormous attendance on the pretty Abbey grounds, the gate being estimated at 6,000. . . .

Cork Weekly Examiner, Saturday, 10 June 1899
There were many races; Constable McGillan participated in the one-mile cycling race and tied for last place.
Mile Bicycle Race (novices), confined to members of CRICC serving in Clare: F. Doherty, C R I C C 1 [as in First Place]; W Bowden, C R I C C, 2; M Igoe, 3; P McGillan, 0; M Early, 0. Doherty went to the front after going a lap, and won easily by two and a half lengths; a bad third. Time—6 minutes and 31 seconds.
These times for one mile race were very slow. The two mile bicycle race was open to outside RIC members, and the winning time of the final heat was 5 minutes and 40 seconds won by M. Hanrahan of N K C C [______ ______ Cycling Club]. Cycling clubs in County Clare must have been very popular as shown from the first heat. The use of handicaps based upon yards must have complicated the races.
Two Miles Bicycle Race (open handicap)—First heat—M. Hanrahan, N K C C, 200 yrd, 1; T.V. Honan, Ennis C A C, 260 yards, 2; J.P. Connolly, L R I C A C, 200 yards, 3; W.F. Tyler, Wanderers F C, 110 yards, 0; P.J. Lane, K C C, 140 yards, 0; D.J. Nono, Ennis F A C, 160 yards, 0; A.W. Freyett, N K C C, 0; T.H. Browne, Tulla, 180 yards, 0. [Hanrahan] Won easily; a bad third. Time—7 minutes and 1 second. I’m not sure how the handicap in Irish racing worked.
The Ladies’ Bicycle Race was noted to have “roused wild enthusiasm”:
Ladies’ Bicycle Race, One Mile—First Heat—Miss A.G. Nolan, 1; Miss E. Blanche Hurton, 2; Miss Brady Browne, 3; Miss O’Donoghue, 0; Miss Lily de Blacquiere, 0. Second Heat—Miss M. Claire Burton, 1; Mrs. Barter, 2; Miss Jane Burton, 3; Miss Mary Host, 0. Final Heat—Miss Nolan, 1; Miss Claire Burton 2; Miss Blanche Burton, 3; Mrs. Barbour [not Barter from Heat 2?], 4.
The Irish newspapers in the mid-19th century were very exact on who was reported as a “Lady”. Even with the investigation of the death of John Flanagan in 1850, the use of the term “Mr.” was limited to the witnesses of a certain class. Lily de Blacquiere sounds very posh and I recognize Brady Browne as a landlord family. But not sure if by 1899 whether or not any farmer’s daughters would be competing in the Ladies’ Race.

There were other events such as “Putting 16lb Shot”, “Slinging 16lb Hammer”, Tug of War Championship, and a Boy’s Race. The 100 Yards Open Handicap had the most participants with four separate heats. Handicaps for a 100 yard dash are silly. For example, in the 4th Heat, J.W. Nono of the Declassian F C won by a half a yard. But he had 8½ yard handicap, so I reckon S. McInerney of Cranny with a 6 yard handicap was the much faster runner and should have been rewarded as the winner.

Constable Patrick McGillan was noted for his courage; and as a keen cyclist was apparently not a big fan of horses:
RUNAWAY HORSE.

On Saturday, a spirited young mare belonging to Mr. Glynn, took fright in Mr. Kennedy’s coal depot, and ran furiously through the Mill Road. Fortunately Constable P. McGillan, who was on beat duty near the place, succeeded after a desperate struggle and with no little risk, in bringing the animal’s mad race to a termination. The Constable armed himself with stones on observing the animal coming in his direction, and by striking the mare on the neck and head, caused her to deviate and gave the Constable an opportunity of grappling the reins. After being dragged some distance Constable McGillan got the animal on the footpath and finally pinned her up against the wall near the Straw Market wicket. Such a plucky action deserves recognition, as if the mare had been allowed to continue her course, in the crowded state of the road, a life would have been imperilled [sic].

Saturday Record (Ennis), Saturday, 31 March 1900
Constable McGillan enjoyed cycling with his fellow R.I.C. constables through the peaceful (in 1900) countryside of East Clare:
. . . The “meet” was arranged for Tulla, at 12 noon, and so at 11:30 o’clock, a.m. a number of the cyclists of Ennis and Corofin districts mounted their bikes at Ennis Barrack and started for the rendezvous, which was reached some few moments after the appointed hour. Here a great many of the wheelmen of Tulla, Sixmilebridge and Killaloe districts, had already assembled and were anxiously awaiting the arrival of the Captain and his section.

The Vice-Captain—Constable P. McGillan—having suitably replied [to the opening speech of Head Constable Fallon of Tulla], a start was made. The route—through Feakle to Scariff and back via Tomgraney and Bodyke—was a very pleasant one indeed. The roads in this part of the county are very good, and the scenery magnificent. At Scariff a halt was called and the necessary refreshments partaken of. After an hour’s rest in this picturesquely situated town the bugle was sounded, and immediately the homeward journey was commenced. A “merry” race was maintained throughout—not too slow, nor never, of course, exceeding the maximum (12 miles per hour), as fixed by the rules of the Club. At 6:30 o’clock p.m. the party arrived back in Tulla looking nothing worse from the effects of their “spin” the only charge observable being that their colour had changed from the “inevitable green” to that of hawthorn blossom. After a short delay, during which the much-needed “parting cup” was circled, the members separated, all highly delighted with the day’s outing. . .

Constabulary Gazette, Dublin, Saturday, 12 May 1900
At the Ennis petty sessions in June 1900, Constable McGillan had summoned Austin Kerin for allowing his cow on the footpath in front of the Ennis Infirmary. The cow owning magistrates sympathized with the defendant and only imposed a minimal fine; I reckon this was an embarrassing moment for the constable:
Chairman [Mr. P.J. Linnane]: Constable, you are very efficient in the discharge of these duties, but I must say where there are half-a-dozen cows driven along the streets, it is very hard to keep them from going on the footpath. I have cows myself and they are repeatedly going in and out through the town, and perhaps often go on the footpath.

Mr. Lynch—I quite agree with the Chairman.

The bench imposed a fine of 6d.

Saturday Record, Ennis, Saturday, 9 June 1900
The Constabulary Gazette of 20 October 1900 on their “Our Album” page printed a great group photo of the Clare R.I.C. Cycling Club. The photo is very dark and given the large number of members at about 30 or so, so you really need to zoom in on each member.

Clare R.I.C. Cycling Club photo [will post later; not possible now]:
The Photo which appeared in “Our Album” recently of the Clare R.I.C. Cycling and Athletic Club has been much admired. It certainly made a very good picture and reflects great credit on the artists. The following are the names of team from right to left: we were unable to unfortunately to have them inserted at the bottom of the group. (1) Front Row—Head Constable M. Scully, Constables J.J. Warner, P. Brien, J. Whitney, M. Maguire, Sergeant P. Lysaght, Acting Sergeant M. Dufficy, Captain; J.M. Galwey Foley, C.I. President (mounted; Acting Sergeant J. Bourke, Constables William Higgins, Joseph Roberts, Sergeant T. McMahon, Constable G. Boyd, Sergeant D. Dunlea, Constables A. Hanlon, M. Early and J. Blennerhasett. (2) Back Row.—Constables P. McGillan, Vice Captain; A. Gerety, P.J. Brien, P. Reynolds, J. Giligan, Secretary; M. McMorrow, J. Rahilly, Sergeant M. Sullivan, Constable P. Flattery, Sergeant J. Johnston, Acting Sergeant, W. Benison, Constables F. Gunning, M. O’Shea. J. Kelly, William Bowden, J. Devaney, Sergeant J. Connaughtout, Constables P. Kearney, J.W. Giles, F. Sullivan, and Joseph Gileed, Bugler. Constable Corofin and his canaries in the window.

Constabulary Gazette, Dublin, Saturday, 3 November 1900
As Sheila noted, at the 1901 census taken as of the night on 31 March 1901, Patrick McGillan (“P. Mc”), reported with the occupation of “prison warder”, was living at the R.I.C. barracks in Ennis. He was 32 year old and born in County Monaghan. Constable McGillan had only just returned from a trip to London in February 1901:
The Queen’s Funeral.
“After life’s fitful fever she sleeps will.”

With the pomp and ceremony that becomes a mighty Empire, amid sorrow and tears, all that was mortal of Queen Victoria had been carried to rest. The winds of the world have borne messages of mourning from the millions who loved and revered her name. Among the many tributes of affection is the Irish Harp of lilies placed on her tomb at Frogmore by the officers and men of the Royal Irish Constabulary. Every county is represented by a bunch of fragrant violets, intertwined with the orchids and lilies of the valley that form the groundwork and the gold strings of the Harp are intertwined with Shamrocks. The message that accompanies the offering is simple and touching:—“A tribute of devotion and respect to the memory of Her late Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria, from her sorrowing and loyal Royal Irish Constabulary.” A contingent of the Force selected from North and South marched in the funeral procession in command of First Class District Inspector W.A. O’Connell, Adjutant of the Depot. The names of the members of the detachment are as follows:—Head Constable Shier, Depot; Sergeant Edward Twiss, Cork City; Sergeant Joseph Beazley, Belfast; Acting-Sergeant Hegarty, Waterford City; Acting-Sergeant Bonyoge, Limerick City; Constables White, Depot; R. Cunningham, Galway; W. Flanagan, Sligo; Michael Bradley, Belfast; Denis O’Brien, Cork City; John Fallon, Letterkenny; James Dinsmore, Derry City; D.R. Buchanaun, Wexford; T.W. Mack, Omagh; J. Cunningham, Tralee; P. McGillan, Ennis: Denis Breen, Westport; William McDonnell, Clonmel.

The Dublin Metropolitan Force were represented by a contingent of men from the B Division . . .

We are proud to record that Ireland was nobly represented amongst the mourning Sons of the Empire, and the Times in its report signifies that in England this sentiment is reciprocated. The leading newspaper of the Empire refers in most appreciative terms to the fine contingent of the Irish Police. Throughout Britain’s vast dominions there are people of different race, different politics, different religions, all united under one common Flag. Long may they so continue was the constant prayer of Victoria.

Britain’s myriad voices call,
“Sons, be welded each and all
Into one Imperial whole,
One with Britain, heart and soul!
One life, one flag, one fleet, one throne!”


REQUIESCAT IN PACE.

Constabulary Gazette, Dublin, Saturday, 9 February 1901
Sheila, while your discovery of Patrick McGillan as a prison warden didn’t pan out, it is amazing that Constable McGillan was the R.I.C. representative from County Clare at the funeral of Queen Victoria. That would have been an exceptional honor. Since there are restrictions against R.I.C. constables being stationed in their birth counties (or birth county of their wife), it is possible that some of the other R.I.C. men who marched at the funeral procession of Queen Victoria were born in County Clare.

British Pathé has a great 15 minute video of Queen Victoria’s funeral procession. I think the R.I.C. contingent is marching just prior to the 2 minute mark. If so, in comparing against the Clare R.I.C. Cycling Club photo, the youngish fellow at the 2 minute 1 second mark, marching just behind the soldier with the large black bearskin hat, might possibly be Constable Private McGillan.

British Pathé Film: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t9yiG3EUz_A

Constable McGillan participated in nearly weekly cycling events through the Clare country side when he clearly should have been studying for his upcoming sergeant’s exam.
The meet being at Crusheen at 12 noon, a number of the cyclists from Ennis and adjoining districts started from Ennis Barrack at 11:30 a.m. In the absence of Sergeant Lysaght the head was taken by Constable P. McGillan, captain pro tem. Almost at the appointed hour Crusheen was reached, where a large contingent of the “lovers of the wheel” had already collected, and were seemingly anxious for the start. The Corofin men, as on former occasions, turned up to a man, headed by their amiable Head-Constable Keily.

Constabulary Gazette, Saturday, 13 July 1901
Constable P. M’Gillan went within thirteen marks of obtaining a place at the last “P” Exam. We are sorry such an energetic policeman did not get within the magic thirty. Better luck next time, old chap. Never despair. Or, as our Co. Clare correspondent would put it, Nil des [perandum].—O, I’ve broken my best pen.

Constabulary Gazette, Dublin, Saturday, 25 January 1902
Constable McGillan was cycling, most likely on his police rounds and not for pleasure, when he made a courageous rescue saving the life of a young boy named Garvey. He received an award for his gallantry by the Royal Humane Society later that same year.
GALLANT RESCUE FROM DROWNING.

On Wednesday afternoon about 4:30, there was a gallant rescue at the Metal Bridge, Doora. A lad named Garvey, eight years of age, and son of James Garvey, caretaker at Waterpark House, who was with his father, who was angling at the spot, while amusing himself about the bank, slipped and fell into the water. He was a good distance from the father, who did not notice him fall into the river. An unusually high tide and current was running at the time. Fortunately, Constable McGillan of the No. 2 barracks, at Clare Castle, was cycling over the bridge at the moment, and he threw his bicycle aside, and without waiting to divest himself of boots or coat, plunged into the water, and promptly succeeded in rescuing the little fellow who had gone under. The little fellow was then brought to Mr. O’Loughlin’s public houses where he was rubbed and given brandy to drink, and in short time he had recovered fully, from the effects of his immersion. The plucky and timely act of the Constable deserves more than passing recognition, and should be brought under the notice of the proper authorities.

Saturday Record (Ennis), Saturday, 21 June 1902
GALLANTRY RECOGNIZED.

The Royal Humane Society held its first meeting for the month at the office, Trafalgar-square, on Tuesday afternoon. Colonel Horace Montagu, treasurer, presiding. Considerably over 200 cases of gallant conduct in saving or attempting to save life from drowning in various parts of the Empire were sent in for investigation, the under-mentioned receiving the society’s medal: . . . Constable P. McGillan, R.I.C., for the rescue of a boy from the river Fergus, near Ennis, County Clare, on Jun 18. The river being in flood, both were carried under a bridge and a long way down the stream before being able to land. . . .

Sussex Express, Friday, 19 September 1902
Patrick McGillan finally passed his sergeant’s exam in 1903 which led to his transfer to Limerick:
Acting-Sergt. P. McGillan, recently promoted, is transferred from Ennis, Co. Clare, to Bruff, Co. Limerick. He won his promotion at the 1902 “P” examination, and has also successfully passed the W and M exam. His Clare comrades regret his departure very much. He is an ardent cyclist, and the Clare R.I.C. Cycling Club has reason to regret his departure, where he acted for a number of years creditably as vice-captain and captain.

Constabulary Gazette, Dublin, Saturday, 14 November 1903
In May 1906, Sergeant P. McGillan was transferred “from Limerick to Reserve” (Evening Herald, Dublin, 6 May 1906). Dublin was policed by the separate Dublin Metropolitan Police and not the Royal Irish Constabulary. But the R.I.C. had a “depot” or “reserve” at Phoenix Park in Dublin from which its men could be sent temporarily to whatever county needed reinforcements (it was also their training center). Sergeant McGillan, with his keen knowledge of East Clare through the numerous cycling jaunts of the Clare R.I.C. Cycling Club, was sent to Tulla in July 1907 and Lough Graney in 1908:
Sergeant P. McGillan, No. 3 Company, is financially transferred to Tulla, Co. Clare, vice Sergeant P. Byrne, who has rejoined the Depot [in Dublin].

Constabulary Gazette, Dublin, Saturday, 20 July 1907
Clare Transfers.—Sergeant Patrick McGillan, with a selected detachment of constables, have arrived in Lough Graney Station for duty in connection with moonlight outrages. McGillan is in supreme command, and if energy, intelligence, and general hard work count he will make a change for the better in that disturbed area.

Constabulary Gazette, Dublin, Saturday, 16 May 1908
Searching the British Newspaper Archives and the newly available Saturday Record (Ennis), I reckon the moonlighting outrage referred to the shooting of the national school teacher “at Doorus, near Loughgraney”. It was brought up in Parliament, so no doubt there was political pressure to send additional R.I.C. forces into the region. No motive was ever noted in the newspapers and the Ryan family was still living in Doorus in the 1911 census.
Desperate Shooting Affair.
NATIONAL TEACHER WOUNDED.


At Doorus, near Loughgraney, a remote district of North-East Clare, Mr. Patrick Ryan, who is in charge of the National Schools at that place, was standing outside his house, about 8:30 p.m., on Thursday, when a shot was fired at him by a man at the opposite side of the road which runs past the house. Portion of the charge struck Mr. Ryan on the right side of the head, neck, and chest; several pellets passing through the ear. The murderous assailant then fled. He had evidently been waiting for Mr. Ryan’s appearance, for the latter had come out to take in some firewood, and immediately he appeared, the shot was fired. Dr. Scanlan was summoned from Tulla, and he extracted some of the pellets, and recommended the injured man’s removal to the Clare Infirmary, where he arrived on Saturday night. No danger is dreaded from the wounds. No arrests have been made.

Some nights previously, the house of a man named MacNamara, who, in addition to being a tailor, has a small farm at Drumandoora, in the same locality, was fired into. Two revolver shots were sent through the kitchen window, where three panes of glass in the porch were broken. This was the second firing into MacNamara’s house.

Saturday Record, Ennis, Saturday, 1 February 1908
Patrick McNamara was a tailor living in Drumandoora with his family in both the 1901 and 1911 census reports, age 40 and 55, respectively. In 1892, Patrick, son of tailor Timothy McNamara of Corbeha, had married Norah Cusack, daughter of farmer Michael Cusack of Drumandoora. Thady McNamara, of Corbeha, tailor, married, died on 27 April 1885; informant was Pat Gallagher of Corbeha (Tulla registration, reported in Galway in error). Patrick Gallagher and Margaret McNamara of Corbeha were the parents of four children in Caher Feakle baptism records from 1869 to 1877; not sure when or where they married.

In the 1911 census, “P. Mc”, age 40, single, Roman Catholic, born in County Monaghan, occupation “farmer”, was living at the R.I.C. barracks at Phoenix Park:

https://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/ ... rk__/5519/
Sergeant P. McGillan has been appointed caterer in the Sergeants’ Mess Bar, vice Sergeant P. Davey, whose term expired on 1st inst. Sergeant P. Hyland, Reserve, No. 1 Company, has been temporarily attached to the Barrack master’s department since Monday last.

Constabulary Gazette, Dublin, Saturday, 4 October 1913
Prior to the departure of Sergeant P. McGillan, on transfer from the Reserve to Co. Clare, the band, on the morning of his departure played the “Farewell” march, which consists of “The Girl I Left Behind Me” and “Auld Lang Syne.” The sergeant was leaving the Depot at the time, and getting off the car, he stood bare-headed while the farewell was being played. Many friends gathered round him to bid him a final good-bye, and he appeared to be considerably affected by the parting tribute of good comradeship, of which all considered him worthy.

Weekly Irish Times, Saturday, 18 July 1914
What a sad and emotional goodbye. Sheila, back in May 2022 you mentioned the song “The Girl I Left Behind Me” when I was researching the County Clare born Thomas S. McNamara (possibly Sheedy McNamara, I reckon) who joined the 14th Infantry in New York (later 32nd Infantry) in October 1865 and was sent to the Presidio in San Francisco and later to Arizona to fight the Apache Indians in the years following the American Civil War. I’m fairly certain that this Thomas S. McNamara was a Confederate soldier who had enlisted on 25 April 1861 at Richmond, Virginia with the First Virginia Artillery. His story is complicated and came to a tragic ending in San Francisco on 7 September 1871 when as a civilian he was digging a hole for a construction job which caved in (the hills of S.F. are sandy) and he is buried in a pauper’s cemetery which now a public golf course. Sheila, your link is no longer valid, but here is another link for the song from the movie Fort Apache (a Spanish version, but the lyrics are still in English). It appears there are many versions of the song:

Fort Apache (1948) movie: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CMR_OT8 ... rt_radio=1
British version: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eg_ru2w ... rt_radio=1
Irish-American version: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=txRdEHuo7i0

By leaving Dublin in 1914, Sergeant Patrick McGillan would not be involved in the Easter Uprising of 1916. However, in going to County Clare would Paddy jump out of the frying pan into the fire? I was especially concerned for his welfare when reading that Sergeant Patrick McGillan, #54724, born in Monaghan, was based in the Scariff barracks. The source was from a list of constables stationed in County Clare in 1919-1922 sorted by R.I.C. barrack. I won’t share the website link as I got a security warning (I took the risk as from a dodgy internet security company that won’t go away). The other constables listed for Scariff Barracks were Charles Barrett (#66067), Eugene Tracy (#67041), James Fox (#62289), John Francis Barry (#67082), Joseph Caffrey (#56525), Michael McManus (#69060), and Andrew Morrison (#69012).

In September 1920, the R.I.C. Barracks at Scariff were attacked:
TWO CLARE POLICEMEN WOUNDED.

News reached Dublin yesterday of a determined attack on Scariff, County Clare, police barracks early on Sunday morning. A large party of men participated. The roads were blocked and telegraphy and telephone communication dislocated. At least two constables were wounded whilst defending the barracks, whether seriously or not is not known.

Belfast News Letter, Tuesday, 21 September 1920
Was Saint Patrick McGillan, who as a young constable was vice-captain of the Clare R.I.C. Cycling Club, marched with the R.I.C. contingent at the funeral procession of Queen Victoria, and saved the young Garvey lad from drowning in the River Fergus, stationed in Scariff in 1920 during the attack? Was he one of the two constables wounded? What happened to Sergeant McGillan after the Irish War of Independence? Will he show up in the 1926 Irish Census (available on-line next month) or was the R.I.C. sergeant forced to leave Ireland?

To be Continued,
Sduddy
Posts: 1887
Joined: Sun Sep 26, 2010 10:07 am

Re: Information is wanted of Thomas McNamara, of Glandree,

Post by Sduddy »

Hi Jimbo

You omitted the Irish-Irish version of The Girl I Left Behind Me! Here it is sung by John Spillane: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cQwxHF7rh88 . And here are the lyrics: https://songsinirish.com/spailpin-fanac ... sh-lyrics/. But thanks for good wishes for St Patrick’s Day.

Thank you for your further research on the new Ennis Gaol, including some newspaper reports that mention the old gaol, which was situated in O’Connell Street (then called Gaol St.), where the Town Hall later stood. The Town Hall restaurant is there now.

Thank you for the work on the Kearsley boys, Edward and Victor. For anyone interested, they are both in an Industrial School in Limerick in 1901 (Edwd and Victor): https://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/ ... _/1503983/.

Thank you for your work on Andy Hehir. I was still puzzled by the mention of the graveyard, but then decided that there must have been a graveyard at the New Gaol for those prisoners who were executed and others who died during their sentence.

Thank you for the huge amount of work you’ve done on Patrick McGillan. I’m glad he got to enjoy cycling. Looking at the numbers of policemen who were living together in RIC barracks in 1901, I used to think that they must have been tripping over each other and been bored out of their minds. But then I read The Irish Policeman, 1822 - 1922: A Life, by Elizabeth Malcolm (2006), and found that the men were drilled for hours every day, almost to the same level as soldiers, and had so many other duties that they had very little time for their own interests. The collars of their uniforms were those awful leather stocks, so uncomfortable that the men avoided looking down and developed a habit of looking straight ahead. This, along with very erect posture, made them easily recognisable even when they were in plain clothes. Malcolm says that small children could point out a policeman, even when he was retired. The barracks were barely furnished and the men did not have chairs to sit on, but benches (without backs), which seemed to me so unnecessarily cruel that I refused to believe it, but then it occurred to me that the benches might have been placed against the wall. The officers, like the officers in the army, did not associate with the men, and they probably had chairs.
I think it must have been a relief for a policeman to be chosen as a census enumerator.

Jimbo, about the availability of the Saturday Record and the Saturday Record and Clare Journal on British News Archives, I really think you should make a special posting about it. It will be of interest to many people. Claire Santry (of Irish Genealogy News) is retired and there’s nobody to alert us to interesting bits of news.

Sheila
Sduddy
Posts: 1887
Joined: Sun Sep 26, 2010 10:07 am

Re: Information is wanted of Thomas McNamara, of Glandree,

Post by Sduddy »

Correction: I did not take enough care over Kearsley boys in my reply above: Albert Victor (not Victor, as I have written) is not in the Limerick Industrial School in 1901 - just Edward.

Sheila
Sduddy
Posts: 1887
Joined: Sun Sep 26, 2010 10:07 am

Re: Information is wanted of Thomas McNamara, of Glandree,

Post by Sduddy »

Hi Jimbo,

In The Corporation Book of Ennis *, edited by Brian Ó Dálaigh (Irish Academic Press, 1990) I found a couple more snippets about the old jail in Gaol Street (now O’Connell Street) to add to yours:
(1) In the 1590s the old jail was the new jail: Ó Dálaigh writes in his introduction, “The principal buildings [in Ennis] were the O’Brien stronghold of Clonroad, which protected the entry to the town, and the dissolved Franciscan friary where the new English administration was lodged. Courts of law were regularly held and a new county jail had been built”. The jail had fallen into poor condition by the 1660s: Ó Dálaigh says, “In December 1666, four friars of the Ennis community were caught in their rural hideaway, at Rooskagh about half a mile west of Inagh. They were brought before the justice of peace, John Gore, who imprisoned them in the county jail. However, the jail was in such a ruinous condition that the four friars were soon released on bail”.
(2) Among the records of the decisions of Ennis Corporation is this ( p 101): “It was ordered by Simon Purdon, Esq., when provost of the said borough at a quarter meeting in the year 1711 and by David Bindon and Henry O’Brien, Esqs., with the consent of the freemen in open court, that the common jail of Ennis shall be deemed the marshalsea of the said borough …” . Ó Dálaigh explains, in a footnote, that there were originally two jails in Ennis: the county jail and the corporation’s bridewell in Bridewell Lane “now Cook’s Lane”. He goes on to say, “When the accommodation in the county jail was inadequate, the overflow of prisoners was sometimes housed in the bridewell. In 1711, the same year as this by-law was passed, all the popish priests in Co. Clare were imprisoned in Ennis, an event which caused great overcrowding in the jails”.

* The book is a record of the transactions of Ennis Corporation in the period 1660 - 1810. It is a transcription of the manuscript made by the town clerk John O’Donnell in 1796. It also contains the Manor Court Rolls of Ennis and Clonroad 1672 - 85; the Earl of Thomond's Rent Roll of Ennis 1681; Charter of Ennis 1613; The Test-Oaths of Ennis Corporation; Appendix 1: Lucas' Trade Directory of Ennis 1788 and Appendix 2: Grand Jury Members 1692 - 1810. Best of all is the introduction by Ó Dálaigh which gives the history of the town in the 17th and 18th centuries.

P.S. Anyone ordering this book, should get one with the painting by William Turner de Lond, “The Market Place and Court House at Ennis”, (1820). The painting is full of little paintings of animals and people - as you will see when you run the cursor over the bookcover in this advertisement: https://charliebyrne.ie/product/corpora ... ardback-2/
Another splash of colour comes with the description by Ó Dálaigh of the uniforms of the minor officials: the sergeants at mace wore blue uniforms with red facings and laced hats; the beadle, or bellman, wore a blue coat, a yellow laced hat and yellow yarn stockings.

Here is a review in Irish Historical Studies https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals ... F3E05D8AFA

Sheila
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